Pan-Arabism
rose as the region gained its independence. The notion that came with the
movement is that with unity came power, while division weakened the region and
the people that live within it and made them subjects of repression. Very
similar to the Ottoman’s Tanzimat, Pan Arabism redefined what it means to be an
Arab, taking steps to redefine the definition to include all Arabic speaking
countries. The movement rose as a secular left leaning ideology that strongly
opposed religious politics, but embraced Islamic civilization as one of the
pillars of enlightened Arab history. Indeed, Micheal Aflaq, one of the most prominent
Arab nationalist and the theorist behind the establishment of the Ba’athist
party was a Christian, yet embraced the historical successes of Islam in
influencing the region. Unfortunately the theory behind Ba’athism and Pan
Arabism in general is modernizing the region with centralized populist agendas.
Jamal
Abdel Nasser became a back spine for the Pan Arab movement and his ideas and
successes swept the region east to west. Even the gulf monarchies were heavily
affected by the rise of Nasserism in the region. It was at that peak that an
Arab union was possible, starting with the United Arab Republic in 1958 which
made Abdel Nasser dominate the politics and decisions of Syria, causing the
1961 Coup d'état that brought the UAR to its knees. Inspired by the Ba’athists
in Iraq, the Syrian branch planned a successful coup d'état in March 8th,
1963.
Pan-Arabism
has declined since the fall of Jamal Abdel Nasser. Although the collective reality
of the region became wide clear, the idea was destroyed from within. The Ba’athists
in Iraq repressed the Shi’a majority, while the Ba’athists in Syria repressed a
Sunni majority. The ideological roots of the Ba’athists party and Micheal Aflaq
were underdeveloped and vague. Although the Pan Arabism secularism did not
succeed in transforming the region to purely civil law countries, many secular
norms developed because of the rise of Pan Arabism. Author Amira El-Azhary
makes a strong case for the parity of education in Jordan and how women
education in the region have come a long way. Educating women, and women
equality are definitely a result of that era. Another trace of that can be seen
within the Democratic Constitutional Rally in Tunis, and its first president
Habib Bourguiba which banned polygamy in 1956. Although the party is not
secular in terms of its democratic, free speech understanding, it did have some
secular roots.
The
main factors that destroyed a MENA integration is political differences between
the countries especially in terms of economic and political development. Nasserism
and Ba’athism along with leftist parties were not clear on their centrally planned
economies despite Abdel Nasser’s successes in developing the Egyptian economy.
The problem with Nasser is that he banned all opposing political parties
despite Nasser’s vague political organization himself. The collapse of Nasser
was the collapse of Nasserism, the only hope at the time to achieve practical
unity.
I
could never see a situation where the MENA region will be able to create a
supra-national entity because of many reasons. First of all, the degree of
development of the different economies limits the integration possibilities in
the region. Moreover, the regimes are very different in nature, democratic
regimes will not join hands with authoritarian republics or monarchies. Lastly,
there has been many efforts in forming a more integrated Gulf Cooperation
Council. The GCC have very similar regime structures and a homogenous
population that is highly relatable. The GCC is currently a Custom’s Union, and
has many shared economic and political activities. However, the council has
discussed creating a monetary union for the past two decades and has failed to implement
such a plan because of senseless reasons such as the name of the currency.
Democratic regimes will give up some levels of sovereignty for the benefit of
the population, however, authoritarian regimes would never give any part of sovereignty
since the main goal is the regime’s survival rather than the country’s future.
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